Just as the fallout from the last
wiretapping scandal was dying down in
Colombia, allegations have surfaced yet again that intelligence officers
monitored the communications of government officials and members of civil
society involved in the peace talks with FARC rebels in Havana. While it is still unclear who exactly is responsible
for the latest scandal, all signs point to “loose
wheels” in the military, emphasizing unease with the peace process among
the army’s top brass.
Semana magazine broke
the story on Monday, the result of 15 months of investigating and
interviews with over 25 intelligence sources. Just like the previous
wiretapping scandal, which prosecutors have linked to the office of former President
Alvaro Uribe, this operation was ostensibly labeled as a counterterrorism initiative.
But instead of targeting guerrilla operatives, military intelligence agents monitored
the communications of lead government negotiator Humberto de la Calle and Peace
Commissioner Sergio Jaramillo. Other targets included left-leaning political
figures who have supported the FARC talks from the sidelines, like Congressman
Ivan Cepeda and former Senator Piedad Cordoba.
Using a hybrid lunch restaurant/computer science
workshop as a front, members of military intelligence agency DINTE and a
handful of civilian technical contractors tracked the text messages, online chats
and emails of their targets, Semana reports. The operation began in September 2012,
one month before President Juan Manuel Santos officially announced the peace
talks. According to some involved in the project, it ended in October 2013
after the DINTE’s cyber intelligence branch came
under scrutiny for conducting illegal electronic surveillance.
Following Semana’s report, Santos has
ordered an investigation into the operation, which he called “totally
unacceptable.” Reuters
notes that the president said the surveillance had been ordered by “loose
wheels” and “dark forces” in the armed forces.
This is not the first time that Santos has
had to contend with the military’s “loose wheels” interfering with and
potentially endangering the peace talks. In April, unknown elements in the army
provided Uribe with an internal memo listing the coordinates where military
operations had been temporarily suspended in order to guarantee the safe
passage of guerrilla leaders leaving Colombia to join their comrades at the
negotiating table in Cuba. As the most prominent critic of the peace process, Uribe
gleefully posted its contents on Twitter as “proof”
of official collusion with the rebels, to the annoyance of the Santos
administration.
Uribe, for his part, has denied anything to
do with the surveillance, telling Caracol
Noticias that it was an “infamy” to suggest otherwise. “The biggest
corruption of this government is to hide and distract from public opinion, to
put up smokescreens,” the ex-president said.
Of course, Uribe is not the only critic of
the negotiations in Havana. Members of the military command are skeptical of it
as well, and Santos’ support for a military justice reform law (which was
struck down by the Supreme Court in October) was partially
designed to ease their concerns. Ever since peace talks began, the Santos
administration has repeatedly battled perceptions in the army command that an
eventual peace deal would give amnesty to guerrillas while leaving them
vulnerable to prosecution in civilian courts for human rights abuses.
El
Espectador reports that a source in the intelligence service told one of
its journalists that the surveillance program had been orchestrated by a
powerful class of retired generals and colonels, known as the “Generation of
the ‘70s.” Their objective, according to the paper, was to put pressure on
Santos to “change the rules” of the peace talks or, failing that, cause them to
derail.
Heads have already begun to roll in the
military as a result of the Semana report. Two generals, including army
intelligence chief Mauricio Ricardo Zuñiga and cyber intelligence head Jorge
Zuluaga, have been relieved
from duty. With the government investigation only just beginning, no doubt others
will follow.
News Briefs
- According to Costa Rica’s La Nacion, insurgent PAC presidential candidate Luis Guillermo Solis will enter the second round the race with far more campaign resources than his rival, Johnny Araya of the ruling PLN. Because the PAC spent only a third of the ruling party’s budget on the first round in the campaign, it will be eligible for far more public campaign funding than the PLN. Araya’s campaign, meanwhile, will have to seek donations to supplement its funding, according to the paper. Meanwhile, in an interview with Reuters, Solis told the news agency that he would push for tax increases late in his term if he won the vote, in order to address the country’s growing government debt.
- The Miami Herald reports that Haitian President Michel Martelly has arrived in Washington DC for meetings with lawmakers on Capitol Hill today. At the top of the agenda, according to the paper, will be the country’s long-delayed elections, with opposition legislators and the Obama administration alike planning on pressuring the leader to hold a vote in the near future.
- In the latest high-profile setback for security in Rio de Janeiro and the city’s “pacification” project, at least six people were killed in a shootout as officers attempted to apprehend suspects in the earlier shooting of a policeman. For the Wall Street Journal, the incident -- combined with violent headlines in São Paulo -- question Brazil’s readiness for the World Cup.
- Speaking in Morelia, Michoacan yesterday, Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto announced that the federal government would invest some $3.4 billion in economic and infrastructure development programs in the troubled state this year. Milenio reports that the president also committed himself to personally visiting Michoacan at least 12 times this year, to assess the progress of these efforts. More from the L.A. Times.
- Following the Mexican government’s announcement that it would provide legal recognition to vigilante groups in Michoacan, numerous analysts have weighed in on the drawbacks of the decision. Animal Politico has a comprehensive roundup of both the positives and negatives of the move, according to a number of security policy experts (see an English translation via InSight Crime). The consensus seems to be that the decision is risky as the state will have to find a way to account for abuses committed by vigilantes. However, some contend that turning a blind eye to the militias, or -- even worse -- clashing with them, could have had the potential to complicate the violence in the state even further.
- Gustavo Gorriti, director of Peru’s IDL-Reporteros, offers a slightly cynical, realist take on the Mexican government's decision. Gorriti argues against claims that armed civilian militias have not been used successfully to promote the rule of law in Latin America, pointing to the Peruvian Rondas Campesinas as an example. According to him: “There is almost no example of a successful counterinsurgency experience, especially in rural areas, which did not organize, train and arm local militias.”
- La Republica has an overview of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights trial held yesterday on Peru’s controversial Chavin de Huantar rescue mission, in which three detained rebels were allegedly executed by security forces. The government of Peru maintains that its operatives did not commit extrajudicial executions, as well as any failure to investigate the deaths.
- Writing for the North American Congress on Latin America, Keane Bhatt has a solid -- if somewhat polemical -- critique of Human Rights Watch’s work in Latin America, arguing that it is shaped by a largely U.S.-centric lens of the region. While some of Bhatt’s argument seems overly focused on links within the HRW leadership and the Obama administration, his comparison of HRW’s work in the wake of Venezuelan leader Hugo Chavez’s death with its response to the death of Ethiopia’s Meles Zenawi is interesting. As he notes, while HRW was quick to emphasize Chavez’s authoritarian tendencies while overlooking his PSUV party’s electoral victories, its response to Zenawi’s death was decidedly more balanced, and did not discuss election fraud in the Ethiopian leader’s roughly two-decade rule.
- Amnesty International has released a statement -- picked up by the AP -- denouncing the forced eviction of more than 200 families from a makeshift settlement known as Canaan on Monday. Police officers fired their weapons into the air and deployed tear gas against residents, and at least three people were injured, according to the human rights group.
- In The Economist’s “Economist Explains blog,” the magazine’s Mexico City bureau chief Henry Tricks offers a concise explanation of why El Salvador’s government helped facilitate a truce between the rival MS-13 and Barrio 18 street gangs. The analysis is insightful, but more interesting is that he takes the position that the truce is valuable despite the dangerously high profile it has given gang leaders. In his opinion, support for the ceasefire should be continued under the next Salvadoran administration, so long as it is supplemented with urban development and prevention programs aimed at keeping at-risk youth out of gangs.
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